THE title of this publish is the query that—greater than ever earlier than—I discover myself asking following the Liberal Democrats’ just-finished gathering in Brighton. It was my fourth Lib Dem convention. My first, additionally in Brighton, was in 2012. Again then, too, the speak was of the social gathering’s id disaster. Two years into its coalition with the Conservatives, members had been grumpy. Nick Clegg, then the deputy prime minister, had led them into authorities and was on the again foot after an unpopular price range and a failed referendum on electoral reform. Was the social gathering a centre-left pressure: a Labour Occasion with out the authoritarian streak? Or was it a pressure of the free-market centre: an enlightened complement to Tory energy? Pamphlets circulated about issues just like the which means of liberalism.

As we speak such issues ought to all be a lot clearer. By electing Tim Farron as Mr Clegg’s successor twelve months in the past, the social gathering opted for a extra centre-left route. Occasions since then couldn’t have been extra propitious. First Jeremy Corbyn turned Labour chief, dragging the primary opposition out of the kind of social democratic floor through which Mr Farron had beforehand regarded like a solution and not using a query. (Mr Corbyn’s re-election will most likely be confirmed on Saturday following a management contest that has torn his social gathering’s sinews.) After which there was Brexit. Absolutely 48% of voters opposed Britain’s flounce, however with Labour out of play and Theresa Could’s authorities careening in direction of a “onerous Brexit”, they haven’t any voice.

So it’s onerous to think about circumstances extra beneficiant to Mr Farron. And to be honest he has his achievements. Whereas Labour misplaced seats at native elections in Could, the Lib Dems gained 45. And a few 15,000 folks joined the social gathering after the Brexit vote. But nationally there isn’t any signal of a Lib Dem comeback after the social gathering’s abysmal displaying in final 12 months’s common election. It stays caught on the 8% in polls to which it first fell just a few months after Mr Clegg took the social gathering into authorities in 2010. Voters, it appears, merely don’t give it some thought a lot as of late: in a ballot by YouGov out right now 65% of them—and even a 3rd of Lib Dem supporters—haven’t any optimistic or damaging view of Mr Farron (Mr Clegg ought to be so fortunate).

What has gone fallacious? Why have the political earthquakes of the previous twelve months had no apparent impact on the social gathering’s nationwide standing? One reply is that it’ll take a lot multiple 12 months for the Lib Dems to get better from the dangerous popularity they (principally unfairly) acquired in authorities: as quislings, softies and most of all dissimulators. British voters have lengthy reminiscences. An occasion on the Brighton convention requested whether or not the social gathering would return to energy earlier than 2080.

One other issue is the social gathering’s sheer smallness within the Home of Commons. The Lib Dems could have greater than 100 members of the Home of Lords, however within the elected chamber they’ve simply eight representatives. An upcoming redistricting train could cut back these MPs to 4. Thus they’re merely not accorded a lot consideration. Tv interviews, choose committee chairmanships, parliamentary questions don’t come their means as they did when, earlier than the final election, there have been 57 Lib Dems within the Commons. To get better, the social gathering wants the kind of prominence that won’t fall into its lap.

There are two extra explanations that make but more durable studying for Lib Dem loyalists. The primary is that Mr Farron will not be as much as the duty. In a British political panorama dominated by hucksters, authoritarians, isolationists and delusionals he’s that uncommon factor: a average, first rate political chief who speaks his thoughts and isn’t clearly incompetent. However for the Lib Dems that will not be sufficient. Up isn’t the one means they’ll go. Their chief’s process is concurrently to arrest decline and to propel a brand new advance. Larger skills than Mr Farron would fail in his sneakers. And for all his likability, he doesn’t come throughout as a heavyweight. Mr Clegg could also be extensively reviled, however not less than he’s recognised. A 12 months into his job, Mr Farron enjoys no such scorn. His speech to the social gathering this afternoon supplied glimpses of the kind of audacity and swagger wanted to alter this, however was extra spectacular on the web page than within the corridor.

That, not less than, the social gathering can do one thing about. If, in a 12 months, Mr Farron’s social gathering continues to be on 8% within the polls, it ought to ditch him and reinstate Mr Clegg. However a second issue transcends such questions: the tectonics of British politics. Demographically, as I’ve lengthy argued right here and elsewhere, Britain is transferring in a cosmopolitan route that ought to profit the likes of Mr Farron. But the Brexit vote appears to have unleashed forces pulling in the other way: a brand new hostility to migrants, a triumphalist purism about Brexit in swathes of Westminster and Fleet Road that significantly exceeds something promised earlier than the referendum and most of all a bring-it-back nostalgia that now infuses the political mainstream (reviving outdated icons of British energy and independence, from Britain’s outdated blue passports to Britannia, the royal yacht). Little of this touches the Lib Dem citizens, or that minority of voters torn between the Lib Dems and Labour. However in the actual centre floor this shift issues and will change the electoral calculus.

Mr Farron’s technique is clearly to win over average Labourites alienated by Mr Corbyn. Therefore the reward in his closing speech this afternoon for Yvette Cooper, Caroline Flint, Chuka Umunna and even (albeit in a professional trend) Tony Blair. This may occasionally assist the Lib Dems choose up some new members. However electorally, the types of locations the place Mr Farron’s welcome mix of social democracy and liberalism does greatest are secure Labour seats in locations like London, Bristol and Norwich. Locations the place sufficient folks vote Labour for Mr Corbyn’s uselessness, even on the fragile matter of Brexit, to be virtually immaterial. If there’s any low-hanging fruit for the Lib Dems it’s within the south-west of England, the place the Tories swept the board final 12 months however the place, for deep historic causes to do with native business and faith, there stays a robust liberal streak. In these constituencies folks voted for Brexit and care little for Mr Blair and his successors.

I absolutely perceive Mr Farron’s considering. Maybe, a 12 months into Mr Corbyn’s disastrous management of Labour, the Lib Dems can now fruitfully bid for Labour members. Certainly I anticipate this gambit will work out: I’d not be shocked if 1000’s of Labourites joined the Lib Dems within the subsequent 12 months or so. And when it comes to Britain’s political spectrum, the Lib Dems have a extra necessary position—because the guardians of the progressive centre—than maybe ever earlier than. The query is: will any of this translate into votes, affect, and energy? Right here I’m pessimistic. As issues stand I don’t see Mr Farron main the kind of liberal reconfiguration at which he hints. I hope to be proved fallacious.